List protestacyjny Profesora Jerzego Roberta Nowaka w obronie Polonii

List protestacyjny Profesora Jerzego Roberta Nowaka w obronie Polonii



List protestacyjny Profesora Jerzego Roberta Nowaka w obronie Polonii

List protestacyjny Profesora Jerzego Roberta Nowaka, od lat popierającego i broniącego patriotycznych organizacji polskich na całym świecie w obronie prawdy o Prezesie Janie Kobylańskim -wybitnym działaczu polonijnym w Ameryce Łacińskiej przeciwko nieprawdziwym oszczerstwom i zmasowanym atakom na jego osobę
i USOPAŁ.

List protestacyjny

Sygnatariusze tego listu, wywodzący się z Kraju i z Polonii oraz ze środowisk polskich w krajach sąsiednich, gorąco protestują przeciwko skrajnym przykładom lekceważenia, dyskryminowania,
a nawet prób poniżania zasłużonych przywódców polonijnych przez wpływowe osoby z kręgów dziś rządzących w Polsce.
Jak najmocniejsza pozycja Polonii w krajach jej zamieszkania leży
w interesie ich Ojczyzny, przyczynia się do wzmocnienia autorytetu Polski na arenie międzynarodowej. Uważamy, że istnienie tak licznej, liczącej prawie 20 milionów Polonii w świecie, jest ogromnie cennym atutem dla Polski, choć ciągle jeszcze za mało wykorzystywanym. Opowiadamy się za dużo mocniejszym zacieśnieniem więzi Polaków
w kraju i za granicą we wspólnej walce o dobre imię Polski i jej przyszłe sukcesy na iwie krajowej i międzynarodowej. Uważamy, że przedstawiciele władz RP powinni na każdym kroku wspierać działania Polonii, zamiast tak często zauważanego ostatnio sabotowania i bojkotowania tych działań oraz szkalowania poszczególnych przywódców polonijnych.
Z tym większym oburzeniem protestujemy więc przeciwko niesłychanym, wręcz bezprzykładnym, atakom obecnego ministra spraw zagranicznych Radosława Sikorskiego na postać najpopularniejszego dziś w świecie przywódcy polonijnego, prezesa USOPAŁ, Jana Kobylańskiego. Przypomnijmy tu konkretne przykłady niedopuszczalnych kłamstw i oszczerstw pod adresem prezesa Jana Kobylańskiego, sformułowanych na piśmie przez obecnego ministra spraw zagranicznych R. Sikorskiego. 19 lutego 2008 minister spraw zagranicznych RP R. Sikorski posunął się do jawnego kłamstwa w swym urzędowym piśmie do marszałka Senatu Bogdana Borusewicza. W liście tym stwierdził: „(…) Według mojej wiedzy, Jan Paweł II nigdy nie zgodził się przyjąć Jana Kobylańskiego (…)”. Twierdzenie to dowodzi, że wiedza pana ministra spraw zagranicznych jest bardzo ograniczona. Pan Prezes Kobylański spotykał się z Janem Pawłem II wiele razy (w Argentynie w kwietniu 1987 roku, w Montevideo w Urugwaju w maju 1988 r., na specjalnej audiencji wraz z delegacją USOPAŁ w czerwcu 1996 r. w Watykanie oraz 3 czerwca 1997 r. w Gnieźnie, gdzie uczestniczył w rozmowie z Papieżem wraz z delegacją USOPAŁ). Istnieją liczne zdjęcia, dokumentujące powyższe spotkania prezesa J. Kobylańskiego z wielkim Papieżem-Polakiem.
Na półkach księgarskich w Polsce ciągle dostępny jest, wydany przez obecnego ministra spraw zagranicznych R. Sikorskiego w 2007 r., wywiad – rzeka pt. „Strefa zdekomunizowana”. Na s. 128 tej publikacji Sikorski pisze dosłownie w stylu ordynarnych wyzwisk, iż Geremek „(…) nie lubi konfrontacji i pewnie dlatego nie uwzględnił mojego wniosku o odwołanie z funkcji konsula honorowego RP niejakiego Jana Kobylańskiego , samozwańczego przywódcy Polonii latynoamerykańskiej, antysemity i typa spod ciemnej gwiazdy. Dopiero Bartoszewski miał dość jaj, aby mój ponowny wniosek zaakceptować”. Trudno pojąć tak niedopuszczalne próby sponiewierania czołowego przywódcy polonijnego, prezesa J. Kobylańskiego, we wszędzie dostępnych w Polsce egzemplarzach ksiązki aktualnego ministra spraw zagranicznych. Zamiast oskarżać prezesa USOPAŁ o rzekome „samozwańcze przywództwo Polonii latynoamerykańskiej”, minister spraw zagranicznych RP powinien maksymalnie docenić ogromne wysiłki prezesa USOPAŁ dla zjednoczenia Polaków w Ameryce Południowej, wysiłki, które przyniosły tak wielkie zwiększenie prestiżu Polonii na tym kontynencie. Odwołujemy się w tym kontekście do szczególnie cennego świadectwa, opinii takiego autorytetu jak niedawno zmarły prezes Wspólnoty Polskiej prof. Andrzeja Stelmachowskiego, osoby chyba najbardziej kompetentnej w sprawach oceny roli prezesa USOPAŁ.
Prezes A. Stelmachowski niejednokrotnie występował publicznie z postulatami właściwego docenienia zasług prezesa USOPAŁ J. Kobylańskiego dla Polonii. M.in. w liście do redakcji „Wprost” z 5 sierpnia 1997 r., prof. Stelmachowski pisał: „Uważam za konieczne upomnienie się o nie szarganie dobrego imienia p. prezesa Kobylańskiego. Jest to człowiek o ogromnych zasługach dla Polonii południowoamerykańskiej. Jako prezes Związku Polaków Argentyny (także Urugwaju) potrafił doprowadzić do rzeczy niezwykłej: do powstania wspomnianego wyżej USOPAŁ, przy czym pierwszy Kongres sfinansował z własnych środków, a drugi (jaki się odbył w ub. roku w Brazylii), poważnie wspomógł (…)”. Z kolei, w liście do redakcji „Rzeczpospolitej” z 13 listopada 2000 r., prezes Stelmachowski pisał m.in.: Prezes J. Kobylański jest jedną z najbardziej liczących się postaci światowego życia polonijnego, człowiekiem, którego zasługi w odrodzeniu polskości w krajach Ameryki Południowej są niepodważalne, a nawet – nie waham się użyć tego określenia – nieporównywalne. Dzięki jego wysiłkom powstała Unia Stowarzyszeń i Organizacji Polskich Ameryki Łacińskiej, której istnienie ożywiło życie polonijne w krajach Ameryki Południowej. USOPAŁ, jako organizator zjazdów Polonii tego kontynentu, stał się modernizatorem życia kulturalnego, a także odrodzenia oświaty polskiej w krajach latynoskich”.
Warto tu dodać, że zasługi prezesa J. Kobylańskiego dla Polonii i dla Polski zostały docenione przez czołowych przedstawicieli władz Polski. Znalazło to m.in. wyraz w jego uhonorowaniu Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia – przyznanym przez władze RP na uchodźstwie, Krzyżem Komandorskim Odrodzenia z Gwiazdą, przyznanym przez prezydenta Wałęsę, Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia z Gwiazdą – przyznanym przez prezydenta A. Kwaśniewskiego, Krzyżem Oświęcimskim, Honorowym Krzyżem Weteranów Walki o Niepodległość, i inne. Tym bardziej oburza fakt, że tak zasłużonego Polaka z zagranicy obecny minister RP nazwał „typem spod ciemnej gwiazdy”. Przypomnijmy przy tym o ogromnym znaczeniu sponsorskich działań prezesa Kobylańskiego na rzecz Polonii (jego wydatki na ten cel ocenia się na ok. miliona dolarów rocznie !). Nie ma dziś Polaka w świecie, który dałby tak wiele przykładów hojności na polskie cele. Wśród epitetów, rzuconych przeciwko prezesowi Kobylańskiemu, jest określenie „antysemita”, od lat używane jako dogodna „maczuga” dla niszczenia ludzi, reprezentujących inne, „niepoprawne” poglądy polityczne.
Zdając sobie sprawę z ogromnych, niepowtarzalnych zasług prezesa Jana Kobylańskiego dla Polonii i Polski, występujemy z żądaniem jak najszybszego odwołania przez ministra R. Sikorskiego oszczerstw i kłamstw, godzących w dobre imię prezesa USOPAŁ. R. Sikorski powinien jak najszybciej przeprosić prezesa Kobylańskiego za swe niewybredne, agresywne określenia, rzucone pod jego adresem. Tego wymagają interesy Polski.

Prosze pisac i dzwonic i protestowac

Kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów
Centrum Informacyjne Rządu
00-583 Warszawa, Al. Ujazdowskie 1/3
telefon: 022 8413832; 6946983
faks: 022 6252872; 6284821
e-mail: cirinfo@kprm.gov.pl
Rzecznik Prasowy Rządu
Paweł Graś
tel. 022 694 75 29, 022 694 61 51
faks: 022 694 65 91

Kontakt dla dziennikarzy zajmujących się tematyką krajową:
tel. 022 694 65 06,
tel. kom. 601 375 012
Kontakt dla dziennikarzy zajmujących się tematyką gospodarczą:
tel. 022 694 66 13,
tel. kom. 607 497 342
Kontakt dla dziennikarzy zajmujących się polityką zagraniczną:
tel. 022 694 68 11,
tel. kom. 601 989 503

Sekretariat akredytacyjny CIR
tel. 022 6946102
tel. 022 6947072
faks: 022 6284821
faks: 022 6252872

Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych
Al. J. Ch. Szucha 23, 00-580 Warszawa tel. (+4822) 523 9000





Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych / Ministry of Foreign Affairs



•Biuro Rzecznika Prasowego MSZ / MFA Press Spokesman
Rzecznik Prasowy: Piotr Paszkowski
Dyrektor Biura: Alicja Rakowska

Kontakty z mediami.

Spokesman for the Minister.

rzecznik@msz.gov.pl
brp.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48-22) 5239356
fax. (+48-22) 5239099

•Informacja konsularna / Consular Information
Praktyczne informacje dla wyjeżdżających lub przebywających za granicą.

Information for Polish citizens abroad.

tel. (+48-22) 5239451

•Departament Afryki i Bliskiego Wschodu / Department of Africa and the Middle East
Dyrektor: Jacek Chodorowicz
Zastępca Dyrektora: Juliusz Gojło
Zastępca Dyrektora: Maciej Kozłowski

Sprawy dotyczące państw regionu Afryki i Bliskiego Wschodu (z wyłączeniem kwestii wizowych i konsularnych) oraz międzynarodowych organizacji regionalnych: LPA, DA, OKI, SADC, RWPZ, UMA, COMESSA, ECOWAS, COMESA.

Is engaged in Poland ’s policy towards nations of Africa and the Middle East and its cooperation with the said nations, collects information on the political, economic, scientific and cultural situation in particular nations of Africa and the Middle East , is in charge of bilateral consultations and official visits, exercises supervision of the work of Polish diplomatic missions in Africa and the Middle East.

dabw.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239583
fax (+48 22) 6287819

•Departament Ameryki / Department of the Americas
Dyrektor: Artur Orzechowski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Ewa Kinast

Sprawy dotyczące państw kontynentu amerykańskiego (Ameryka Północna i Południowa z wyłączeniem kwestii wizowych i konsularnych) oraz organizacji regionalnych : OPA, NAFTA, MERCOSUR, FTAA.

Is engaged in Poland ’s policy towards nations of the Americas (South and North America) and its cooperation with the said nations, collects information on the political, economic, scientific and cultural situation in particular American nations, is in charge of bilateral consultations and official visits, exercises supervision of the work of Polish diplomatic missions in the Americas.

da.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239270
fax (+48 22) 6226462

•Departament Azji i Pacyfiku / Department of Asia and Pacific Region
Dyrektor: Tadeusz Chomicki
Zastępca Dyrektora: Krzysztof Dobrowolski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Krzysztof Majka

Sprawy dotyczące państw regionu Azji i Pacyfiku (z wyłączeniem kwestii wizowych i konsularnych) oraz międzynarodowych organizacji regionalnych: ASEAN, APEC, ASEM, ARF, KNPN, KEDO i innych.

Is engaged in Poland ’s policy towards nations of Asia and the Pacific region and its cooperation with the said nations, collects information on the political, economic, scientific and cultural situation in particular nations of Asia and the Pacific region, is in charge of bilateral consultations and official visits, exercises supervision of the work of Polish diplomatic missions in Asia and the Pacific region

dap.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel.: (+48 22) 5239302
fax (+48 22) 5239599

•Departament Europy Środkowej i Południowej / Department of Central and Southern Europe
Dyrektor: Adam Hałaciński
Zastępca Dyrektora: Zbigniew Krużyński

Sprawy dotyczące państw Europy środkowej i południowo-wschodniej.

Is engaged in Poland's policy towards nations of Central and Southern Europe.

desp.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239251
fax (+48 22) 5239369

•Departament Europy Zachodniej i Północnej / Department of Western and Northern Europe
Zastępca Dyrektora, Kierujący Departamentem: Jacek Bazański
Zastępca Dyrektora: Romuald Szoka

Sprawy dotyczące państw i podmiotów prawa międzynarodowego na obszarze Europy Zachodniej i Północnej.

Is engaged in Poland's policy towards nations and international organisations of Western and Northern Europe.

dezp.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239757
fax (+48 22) 5239817

•Departament Wschodni / Eastern Department
Dyrektor: Jarosław Bratkiewicz
Zastępca Dyrektora: Anna Kostrzewa
Zastępca Dyrektora: Michał Łabenda

Sprawy dotyczące państw Europy Wschodniej, Azji Środkowej i Kaukazu Południowego oraz Partnerstwa Wschodniego i polityki wschodniej Unii Europejskiej.

Responsible for questions concerning nations of Eastern Europe, Central Asia and Southern Caucasus as well as Eastern Partnership and eastern policy of European Union.

dw.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5238264
fax (+48 22) 5238232



•Departament Dyplomacji Publicznej i Kulturalnej / Department of Public and Cultural Diplomacy
Dyrektor: Aleksandra Piątkowska
Zastępca Dyrektora: Joanna Stachyra
Zastępca Dyrektora: Jacek Multanowski

Realizuje działania mające na celu kształtowanie pozytywnego wizerunku Polski z wykorzystaniem instrumentów dyplomacji publicznej. Zarządza serwisami internetowymi MSZ.

Is in charge of promotion of the Republic of Poland abroad and elaborates appropriate strategies serving that end, encourages contacts with various social groups in foreign countries, focusing on opinion-forming circles, is responsible for creating a positive image of Poland abroad. Manages the MFA's websites.

dprom@msz.gov.pl
ddpk.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239975
fax (+48 22) 5239898

•Departament Konsularny / Department of Consular Affairs
Dyrektor: Jarosław Czubiński
Zastępca Dyrektora: Joanna Kozińska-Frybes
Zastępca Dyrektora: Włodzimierz Zdunowski

Sprawy konsularne (opieka konsularna, wizy).

Supervises the work of Polish consular offices and officers, ensures protection of Poland ’s rights and interests abroad as well as of those of Polish nationals and legal persons in foreign countries, elaborates guidelines for cooperation with other nations in the field of movement of persons as well as visa, migration and asylum policies, authenticates Polish documents meant for use abroad.

dkp.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239444
fax (+48 22) 5238872

•Departament Narodów Zjednoczonych i Praw Człowieka / Department of United Nations and Human Rights
Dyrektor: Marcin Nawrot
Zastępca Dyrektora: Marek Kuberski

Współpraca Polski z organizacjami i organami Narodów Zjednoczonych.

Poland ’s cooperation with organizations and organs of the United Nations’ system, ensures assistance to Poland ’s representatives in the disarmament-related work of UN bodies and organizations, handles the issue of Poland ’s participation in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations, coordinates establishment of Poland ’s positions with regard to global problems, deals with cooperation for development.

dsnz@msz.gov.pl
dnzpc.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239400
fax (+48 22) 6210217

•Departament Polityki Bezpieczeństwa / Department of Security Policy
Dyrektor: Adam Kobieracki
Zastępca Dyrektora: Tomasz Łękarski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Marek Szczygieł

Kwestie dotyczące bezpieczeństwa i obronności Polski.

Deals with security and defense-related issues, with due account of threats posed to security of Poland , attends on the cooperation of the Republic of Poland with NATO, WEU and OSCE, as well as with the European Union with regard to the Common European Security and Defense Policy, assists Poland ’s representatives working on NATO projects, is involved in conventional arms control, assists representatives of the Republic of Poland engaged in pursuit of disarmament initiatives, is responsible for the international cooperation of defense industries

dpb@msz.gov.pl
dpb.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239205
fax (+48 22) 5238049

•Departament Prawno-Traktatowy / Department of Legal and Treaty Issues
Dyrektor: Remigiusz Henczel
Zastępca Dyrektora: Janusz Łącki
Zastępca Dyrektora: Jacek Such

Umowy międzynarodowe, dla których ministrem właściwym jest Minister Spraw Zagranicznych.

Watches over performance of the minister’s responsibilities ensuing from provisions on international agreements, exercises supervision over the implementation of international agreements concluded by the Republic of Poland , in respect of the minister’s area of responsibility, participates in negotiating international agreements, opines on issues related to public and private international law, keeps an archive of all texts of international agreements and related documents, deals with human rights and ethnic minority-related issues, provides extensive assistance to persons representing Poland before international human rights protection bodies.

dpt@msz.gov.pl
dpt.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239424
fax (+48 22) 5238329

•Departament Strategii i Planowania Polityki Zagranicznej / Department of Strategy and Foreign Policy Planning
Zastępca Dyrektora: Maciej Pisarski

Otoczenie międzynarodowe, stosunki międzynarodowe oraz główne kierunki aktywności międzynarodowej Polski.

Analyses the international environment of the Republic of Poland, elaborates strategies of Poland ’s activities on the international forum, cooperates with scientific institutions, drafts the minister’s exposés as well as reports setting out main Polish foreign policy objectives for the next year.

dsip@msz.gov.pl
dsppz.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239051
fax (+48 22) 5238051

•Departament Unii Europejskiej / Department of the European Union
Dyrektor: Artur Harazim
Zastępca Dyrektora: Cyryl Kozaczewski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Arkadiusz Michoński

Kwestie dotyczące Unii Europejskiej.

Poland ’s policy towards European Union.

due@msz.gov.pl
due.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239175
fax (+48 22) 6210213

•Departament Współpracy Rozwojowej / Department of the Development Co-operation
Dyrektor: Marek Ziółkowski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Mirosław Sycz

Problematyka międzynarodowej współpracy na rzecz rozwoju, obsługa narodowego programu współpracy rozwojowej, współpraca z instytucjami pomocowymi Unii Europejskiej, OECD (DAC) i Systemu Narodów Zjednoczonych.

Foreign assistance that includes development assistance and support for the process of building democracy and a civil society.

dwr@msz.gov.pl
dwr.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5238073
fax (+48 22) 5238074

•Departament Współpracy z Polonią / Department of the Co-operation with Polish Diaspora
Dyrektor: Wojciech Tyciński
Zastępca Dyrektora: Marta Sęk-Spirydowicz

Polityka wobec Polonii i Polaków za granicą oraz ochrona praw mniejszości polskich i Polonii. Koordynacja realizacji Rządowego Programu Współpracy z Polonią i Polakami za Granicą oraz Ustawy o Karcie Polaka

Policy towards the Polish Diaspora and Poles abroad as well as protection of the rights of Polish Diaspora and Polish minorities. Co-ordination of the Polish Diaspora Programme and the implementation of the Card of the Pole Act.

•Departament Zagranicznej Polityki Ekonomicznej / Department of Foreign Economic Policy
Dyrektor: Wojciech Ponikiewski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Grzegorz Gawin

Tworzenie założeń zagranicznej polityki ekonomicznej RP oraz sprawy związane z członkostwem RP w OECD, Światowej Organizacji Handlu, Banku Światowym, Międzynarodowym Funduszu Walutowym, Europejskim Banku Inwestycyjnym i Europejskim Banku Odbudowy i Rozwoju.

Works out guidelines for Poland ’s external economic policy, analyses main problems and trends in international economic relations, evaluates the economic security of the Republic of Poland, participates in projects undertaken in connection with Poland ’s membership of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and of the World Trade Organization.

dzpe@msz.gov.pl
dzpe.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5238522
fax (+48 22) 5239149

•Protokół Dyplomatyczny / Diplomatic Protocol
Dyrektor: Mariusz Kazana
Zastępca Dyrektora: Małgorzata Łatkiewicz-Pawlak
Zastępca Dyrektora: Janusz Niesyto

Sprawy dotyczące korpusu dyplomatycznego akredytowanego w Polsce.

Is in charge of visits by heads of state and government as well as those by ministers of foreign affairs, makes arrangements for audiences of foreign diplomats accredited to Poland with Polish top-level state officials, makes arrangements for and provides catering services to diplomatic functions, handles accreditation and exequatur of representatives of foreign states to Poland , watches over the observance of diplomatic and consular privileges and immunities.

protokol@msz.gov.pl
pd.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239220
fax (+48 22) 5239617



•Biuro Archiwum i Zarządzania Informacją / Bureau of Archives and Information Managment
Dyrektor: Łukasz Lutostański
Zastępca Dyrektora: Małgorzata Mroczkowska

Klasyfikacja, gromadzenie, ewidencjonowanie, opracowywanie, przechowywanie i udostępnianie materiałów archiwalnych MSZ. Gromadzenie, analiza, zarządzanie informacją.

Keeps and allows access to the ministry’s archival resources, prepares historical documentation for the ministry, establishes principles governing circulation of unclassified documents, makes subscriptions for foreign press. Is in charge of the system of storing, processing and circulating information within the Ministry and in Polish diplomatic missions, prepares and disseminates information on Poland ’s foreign policy.

bazi.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5238633
fax (+48 22) 5239823

•Biuro Bezpieczeństwa Dyplomatycznego / Bureau of Diplomatic Security
Dyrektor: Grzegorz Poznański
Zastępca Dyrektora: Artur Nowak

bbd.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239487
fax (+48 22) 5239819

•Biuro Dyrektora Generalnego / Bureau of the Director-General
Dyrektor: Marzena Krulak
Pełnomocnik Ministra ds. Informatyzacji MSZ: Marek Michalewski

Obsługa Dyrektora Generalnego, organizacja pracy w Ministerstwie oraz na placówkach zagranicznych.

Attends on the Director-General of the foreign service, supervises organization and functioning of both the ministry and Poland ’s foreign missions.

bdg@msz.gov.pl
bdg.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239787
fax (+48 22) 5238139

•Biuro Finansów / Bureau of Finances
Dyrektor: Michał Radlicki
Zastępca Dyrektora: Elżbieta Kalbarczyk-Chochół
Zastępca Dyrektora: Bogusław Nowakowski

Budżet resortu oraz sprawy finansowe placówek zagranicznych.

Manages the finances of the MFA and Polish missions abroad.

bf.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel.: (+48 22) 523 9700
fax (+48 22) 621 0317

•Biuro Informatyki i Telekomunikacji / Information Technology and Telecommunication Bureau
Dyrektor: Zbigniew Powałka
Zastępca Dyrektora: Dariusz Matysek
Zastępca Dyrektora: Grzegorz Pachulski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Dariusz Toruń

bit.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239471
fax (+48 22) 6290287

•Biuro Infrastruktury / Bureau of Infrastructure
Koordynator: Andrzej Niedźwiecki

Infrastruktura i inwestycje Ministerstwa oraz placówek zagranicznych.

Infrastructure and investments of the MFA and Polish missions abroad.

bi.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 523 8462
fax (+48 22) 523 9789, 621 0317

•Biuro Kontroli i Audytu / Bureau of Control and Audit
Dyrektor: Witold Spirydowicz
Zastępca Dyrektora: Ewa Pietruszko

bka.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5238543
fax (+48 22) 5238545

•Biuro Pełnomocnika do spraw postępowań przed międzynarodowymi organami ochrony praw człowieka
Dyrektor: Jakub Wołąsiewicz

Postępowania przed Europejskim Trybunałem Praw Człowieka, Komitetem Praw Człowieka, Komitetem Przeciwko Torturom, Komitetem do spraw Likwidacji Dyskryminacji, prawne aspekty międzynarodowej ochrony praw człowieka oraz upowszechnianie wiedzy dotyczącej międzynarodowych systemów ochrony praw człowieka.

bpopc.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5238164
fax (+48 22) 5239512

•Biuro Pełnomocnika do spraw Ochrony Informacji Niejawnych
Dyrektor: Monika Sudar
Zastępca Dyrektora: Maciej Kozakiewicz

bpoin.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239216
fax (+48 22) 6286313

•Biuro Prawne i Zamówień Publicznych / Bureau of Legal Affairs and Public Tender
Dyrektor: Przemysław Czyż
Zastępca Dyrektora: Sebastian Szaładziński

Prace legislacyjne, obsługa prawna Ministerstwa oraz postępowania o udzielenie zamówień publicznych w MSZ.

bpzp.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239787
fax (+48 22) 5238139

•Biuro Spraw Osobowych i Szkolenia / Bureau of Human Resources and Training
Dyrektor: Beata Brzywczy
Zastępca Dyrektora: Ilona Węgłowska
Zastępca Dyrektora: Małgorzata Banat-Adamiuk
Zastępca Dyrektora: Roman Kowalski
Zastępca Dyrektora: Mariusz Tomaszewski

Sprawy dotyczące kwestii kadrowych (aplikacje, praktyki) oraz szkoleniowych.

biuro.szkolenia@msz.gov.pl
bsos.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239231
fax (+48 22) 5239763

•Sekretariat Ministra / Secretariat of the Minister
Dyrektor: Cezary Król
Zastępca Dyrektora: Michał Miarka

Powadzi sprawy związane z działalnością MSZ, zapewnia obsługę Ministra w zakresie jego współpracy z Prezydentem RP, Sejmem i Senatem, Prezesem i członkami Rady Ministrów, Najwyższą Izba Kontroli oraz innymi organami administracji rządowej, samorzadu terytorialnego, partiami politycznymi, instytucjami, stowarzyszeniami i innymi organizacjami; prowadzi sprawy dotyczące patronatów i zaproszeń skierowanych do Ministra Spraw Zagranicznych.

Renders services to the minister pertaining to his cooperation with public administration bodies, provides secretarial and clerical attendance on the ministry’s leadership, is in charge of the minister’s agenda, coordinating his visits and appointments.

sekretariat.ministra@msz.gov.pl
sm.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel. (+48 22) 5239201
fax (+48 22) 6257652

•Zarząd Obsługi
Dyrektor: Artur Szczepaniec
Zastępca Dyrektora: Krzysztof Cieślak
Zastępca Dyrektora: Małgorzata Tyszkiewicz-Adamczyk

zo.sekretariat@msz.gov.pl
tel.: (+48 22) 5239659
fax: (+48 22) 6283363

Dziekanski of Poland brutally killed by Canadian airport security Inquiry reveals more of Dziekanski's life in Poland Updated Sun. Apr. 5 2009 3

Dziekanski of Poland brutally killed by Canadian airport security




Inquiry reveals more of Dziekanski's life in Poland
Updated Sun. Apr. 5 2009 3:45 PM ET

The Canadian Press

VANCOUVER -- If most Canadians remember Robert Dziekanski as the panicked, out-of-control figure who died in RCMP hands at Vancouver's airport, Wojciech Dibon might tell them about the Dziekanski who acted as a father to him, taking him camping and teaching him about geography.

But Dibon wasn't able to tell the inquiry into Dziekanski's death about the man he knew.

Dibon, the son of a woman Dziekanski was living with, was 17 when he died and he remains so distraught over the man's death that he was unable to testify at the inquiry sorting out what happened at the airport early on Oct. 14, 2007.

"He and Mr. Dziekanski were very close," says Walter Kosteckyj, the lawyer for Dziekanski's mother.

"This young man didn't have a father figure, Mr. Dziekanski took him camping, taught him the skills of manhood, spent time with him."

Dibon was one of the last people Dziekanski saw before he made his fateful trip to Canada, coming along for the two-hour ride to the airport on Oct. 13, 2007.

Upon arriving in Vancouver more than 20 hours later, Dziekanski spent hours lost in the airport, unable to connect with his mother who was frantically searching for him in another area of the facility.

RCMP were called after Dziekanski, sweating and exhausted, started throwing furniture in the international terminal. Within seconds of arriving, the four officers stunned the man several times with a Taser, and Dziekanski died on the airport floor in the minutes that followed.

The amateur video of Dziekanski's chilling screams and his encounter with police will be the epitaph left for most Canadians, but his friends and neighbours recall a different man, kind and friendly but also with his own share of flaws, eager to start a new life.

Dibon was hospitalized shortly after Dziekanski's death.

"He's had a hard time dealing with that," says Kosteckyj.

Dibon's absence, along with the inquiry testimony last week of others who knew Dziekanski in Gliwice, Poland, adds depth to the man Dziekanski's supporters have angrily accused government and police lawyers of trying to vilify.

He loved geography and read many books about the country that was to be his new home, the inquiry heard.

He played chess and gardened.

He may have had some trouble with the law as a teenager. He smoked and drank.

He was terrified of flying.

"Like a normal person," says Iwona Kosowska, offering a simple explanation when asked to describe her former neighbour.

"He was a very, very good man."

Dziekanski was born in the town of Pieszyce in southern Poland and later moved with his mother to Gliwice, a small industrial city not far from the borders with Slokavia and Czech Republic.

He lived in the same apartment with his mother, Zofia Cisowski, for much of his life, until she moved in 1999 to Kamloops, B.C., where she found work as a janitor.

After Cisowski left, Dziekanski lived with Dibon's mother, Elzbieta, although it's still not clear whether they were romantically involved, and if so for how long.

While he was trained to typeset in a print shop, by the time he left for Canada he was mostly doing odd jobs, heavy labour or handy work. Without a full-time job or much money, his mother would send home cash from B.C.

He planned to learn English when he arrived and find a job, possibly working with his mother.

And he also wanted to travel across Canada to see a place he had only read about in the many books and atlases he had collected about the country.

His hobbies included playing chess and bridge with friends and working at a nearby garden plot given to him by a family member.

"I would play quite often chess with him and just before he left he gave me a gift of portable chess board," said Ryszard Krasinski, Dziekanski's friend of eight years.

"He had a huge collection of atlases and other geographical material and he had very deep knowledge of geography."

When he left for Canada, Dziekanski, who only spoke Polish, had barely been outside the country and never overseas.

His long trip to Vancouver was his first time flying, and the thought of being on a plane terrified him.

When a friend arrived to drive him to the airport, Dziekanski was in a panic, clutching a radiator, vomiting and refusing to leave.

The scene brings to mind the video of Dziekanski's final moments the next day in Vancouver, the would-be immigrant pacing around the international terminal, throwing furniture and rambling in Polish about smashing the area around him but also asking for help.

Dziekanski's neighbours insisted he didn't anger easily and was never aggressive -- a description echoed by border agents and airline staff who said he was calm and co-operative when they dealt with him.

RCMP lawyers at the inquiry have made much of Dziekanski's apparent legal troubles stretching back to an incident more than two decades earlier.

Dziekanski may have spent time in a reformatory school following a robbery when he was 17, but details have been foggy because it didn't result in a criminal record.

Police and prosecutors in Canada have also suggested Dziekanski was an alcoholic, but his neighbours say he was only a social drinker and had rarely, if ever, seen him drunk.

Whatever his problems, they weren't too much for Canadian immigration officials, who approved him to enter the country.

"He was talking about it quite often -- he told me he was going to Canada, where there is milk and honey," says neighbour and family friend Magda Czelwinska.

"He was very happy because he loved his mother very much and he couldn't wait to meet her."

Myśląc Ojczyzna: "Sprawy błahe i ważne"

Myśląc Ojczyzna: "Sprawy błahe i ważne"
red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz (2009-03-18)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Szanowni Państwo! Zamieszanie i jazgot spowodowany nagłym odkryciem nepotyzmu wicepremiera Waldemara Pawlaka oraz urządzona przez premiera Tuska pokazucha w postaci wyrzucenia z partii senatora Misiaka za "złamanie standardów" sprawiły, że mało kto zauważył, iż właśnie wczoraj stocznia w Gdyni rozpoczęła wyprzedaż urządzeń, co oznacza koniec przemysłu stoczniowego w Polsce. Ale, jak to mówią, są sprawy błahe i sprawy ważne. To, czy Polska będzie miała przemysł stoczniowy i w ogóle - jakikolwiek, a nawet - czy sama będzie istniała - to należy do spraw błahych. Do spraw ważnych, a nawet - najważniejszych należy, kto ile i komu ukradł, czy się podzielił z kim trzeba, czy nie, no i - gdzie schował szmal. Nad tym pracują całe sztaby ludzi, zorganizowanych w tajne policje, które mają walczyć z korupcją. Zwróćmy uwagę na to subtelne sprecyzowanie zadań. Wszystkie te policje mają tylko z korupcją "walczyć", ale tak, by jej, broń Boże, nie zlikwidować. Bo gdyby miały ją zlikwidować, to sprawowanie władzy publicznej straciłoby wszelki urok i kandydatów na posłów trzeba by pozyskiwać z łapanki. Natomiast na walce z korupcją można się całkiem nieźle urządzić, zwłaszcza, gdy przestrzega się zasady, żeby samemu żyć i dać żyć innym. Dlatego też, im więcej mamy tajnych policji oraz innych instytucji walczących z korupcją, tym bardziej korupcja rośnie w siłę, co jest zgodne z zasadą, że co cię nie zabije, to cię wzmocni. Oczywiście jazgot w sprawie nepotyzmu pana wicepremiera Pawlaka powstał nie dlatego, że kogoś takie rzeczy gorszą, tylko dlatego, że wicepremier Pawlak pierwszy zaproponował, by unieważnić umowy przedsiębiorców z bankami na tak zwane opcje walutowe. Wśród tych przedsiębiorców byli również prezesi spółek Skarbu Państwa, co wzbudza podejrzenia, że mogli działać na zlecenie swoich polityków prowadzących, którzy w dodatku mogli ich zapewniać, iż w razie czego rząd podejmie desperacką obronę złotówki, więc żadnego ryzyka nie ma. Tego wykluczyć nie można, bo żaden z tych prezesów nie został wyrzucony z posady, ani nawet z partii, więc wygląda na to, iż pokazucha z senatorem Misiakiem w roli głównej, musi nam wystarczyć, byśmy uwierzyli w srogość i pryncypialność premiera Tuska. Ale możliwość unieważnienia umów na opcje walutowe oznaczałaby utratę zysków dla banków. W bankach zaś, podobnie jak w całym sektorze finansowym, jeszcze na samym początku sławnej transformacji ustrojowej, usadowiła się razwiedka. I co - miałaby wyrzec się zysków tylko dlatego, że wicepremier Pawlak ma takie miękkie serce dla przedsiębiorców, a zwłaszcza - spółek Skarbu Państwa? Toteż za pośrednictwem niezależnych mediów udzieliła wicepremierowi Pawlakowi poważnego ostrzeżenia, z którego wynika, że wcale nie musi być partnerem koalicyjnym Platformy Obywatelskiej, bo w każdej chwili razwiedka może skonstruować inną koalicję, niechby i z posłów niezależnych. W tej sytuacji wszystko może zakończyć się wesołym oberkiem: Sejm uchwali ustawę umożliwiającą przedsiębiorcom odstąpienie od umów na opcje walutowe, więc przedsiębiorcy żadnej straty nie poniosą. No dobrze - a co z bankami i siedzącą tam razwiedką? A banki zaskarżą tę ustawę do niezawisłego sądu, który nakaże Polsce wypłacić im odszkodowanie. Banki zatem też nie stracą, bo za wszystko zapłaci polski podatnik, który po to właśnie jest. Skoro zatem omówilismy sprawy najważniejsze, możemy teraz przejść do spraw błahych, których fragmentem jest rozpoczęcie likwidacji polskiego przemysłu stoczniowego. Wielu ludzi myśli, że jest to następstwem decyzji pani komisarki z Brukseli, ale to nie jest prawda, bo początków tego procesu należy szukać głębiej. Jeszcze w XIX wieku, kiedy w Niemczech zaczął rozwijać się przemysł, pojawiła się tam koncepcja gospodarki wielkiego obszaru.Chodziło o to, by rozwijającemu się przemysłowi zapewnić z jednej strony samowystarczalność, a z drugiej możliwości zbytu. Bez wchodzenia w szczegóły, koncepcja gospodarki wielkiego obszaru sprowadzała się do wniosku, że Niemcy powinny kontrolować politycznie obszar daleko większy od własnego terytorium państwowego, organizując tam życie gospodarcze i podział pracy. W okresie I wojny światowej te idee skonkretyzowały się w postaci koncepcji Mitteleuropy, obejmującej utworzenie w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej państw pozornie niepodległych, ale faktycznie - niemieckich protektoratów, których gospodarki - w ramach podziału pracy w skali Europy - byłyby peryferyjne i uzupełniające dla gospodarki niemieckiej. Klęska Niemiec w I wojnie światowej niewiele tu zmieniła, bo myśl raz rzucona w przestrzeń żyła już własnym życiem, a dodatkowej dynamiki nabrała po objęciu władzy w Niemczech przez wybitnego przywódcę socjalistycznego Adolfa Hitlera. Pod egidą NSDAP idee gospodarki wielkiego obszaru zostały twórczo rozwinięte, przybierając postać konkretnych rozwiązań, a nawet nazw - jak choćby Europejska Wspólnota Gospodarcza, zaproponowana przez hitlerowskiego ministra gospodarki Funka. Klęska Niemiec w II wojnie światowej tylko nieznacznie opóźniła realizację tych projektów, ale obecnie są one realizowane w ramach Unii Europejskiej, która stanowi ucieleśnienie tamtej XIX-wiecznej koncepcji gospodarki wielkiego obszaru. Już wtedy było jasne, że w tym wielkim obszarze jedne terytoria będą pełniły role ekonomicznego centrum, podczas gdy inne - gospodarczych peryferii. W tym podziale pracy Polsce przypada oczywiście rola peryferii, na co nie tylko się godzimy, ale - za pośrednictwem naszych przedstawicieli - aż przytupujemy z uciechy, bo za posłuszeństwo posłuszni wynagradzani są wynagrodzeniami w postaci tzw. "grantów" i innych podarunków. To jest rzecz przesądzona, w związku z tym mało kto zaprząta sobie nią głowę, bo znacznie bardziej interesujące są sprawy naprawdę ważne, a więc - kto, ile i komu ukradł, czy podzielił się z kim trzeba, no i - gdzie schował szmal.
Mówił Stanisław Michalkiewicz

Douglas Bajan 16-year-old Fordham Preparatory School NY need Your Help Children Poorest Countries in the World US Tax Deductible Code# 13-2660346

Douglas Bajan 16-year-old Fordham Preparatory School NY need Your Help Children Poorest Countries in the World US Tax Deductible Code# 13-2660346










Fordham Preparatory School Helps Children from Ecuador, One of the Poorest Countries in the World, Through Service Project.

A group of teenage students from my high school, Fordham Prep in New York, wants to help children from one of the poorest parts of our world, Ecuador.

My name is Douglas Bajan, and I am a 16-year-old high school student from Fordham Prep. I need your help for this just cause.

I think that, regardless of the recession that is occurring in our home country, we are very fortunate to be living in the best country in the world, the United States of America.

This summer we want to travel, work, and volunteer in the most underdeveloped school district in Ecuador.

We hope to exchange ideas about our democratic way of life, our American experiences, history, culture and tradition. Moreover, we want to create friendly relations with people from a completely different part of the world. The United States of America has always been the symbol for the highest standards of freedom, democracy and justice for all. We want to travel as young Ambassadors of our country.

That is why we need your small tax deductible donation. Whatever you can give in this difficult time will be greatly appreciated.

See the program information below:


Students and faculty member alike will travel to Duran, Ecuador to live with the poor, visit schools, and take part in community programs. This program is designed to help young Americans understand how fortunate we are to live in America, and how the inhabitants of some of the poorer countries of the world need our help. Our high school, Fordham Prep, has sponsored various programs that have resulted in the betterment of the lives of those who were once homeless and poverty-stricken.

I, along with eleven other students, will travel to Duran, a large urban barrio outside the city of Guayaquil, Ecuador. We will work as part of the Rostro de Cristo (Face of Christ) Program. The Missionary Society of St. James the Apostle founded the program in 1987; it was established to offer high school and college students the opportunity to work with the people of Duran. The needs of the poor in Duran are tremendous. We will work with a variety of ministries throughout the week – day care centers, schools, hospitals, etc.

I want to take part in this Ecuador service trip mainly to experience something so radically different from what I am normally accustomed to. Granted, I have been to some of the poorer parts of certain cities in America, such as Robbins, Tennessee. There, I worked for Habitat for Humanity, helping in the construction of two houses for some of my less fortunate countrymen. Visiting Ecuador, however, will really open up my eyes to the conditions of life that people similar to me must endure in less fortunate parts of the world.

I’m also sure that helping the children of such a region educationally and emotionally will be a rewarding experience, and I don’t think there will be many chances for me in life to do that. I’m not even sure if there will be many more chances for me in life to visit Ecuador, so this trip does mean a lot to me. In preparing for what is sure to be a life changing experience, I am asking for the support of people of good will.
First, I ask that you pray for the young group and me as we prepare for our time in Ecuador. I also ask that you consider a donation towards this project. As a group we are hoping to raise at least $100,000 to donate to Rostro de Cristo. Over the past six years groups from Fordham Prep have donated over $50,000 to the Rostro de Cristo program.

This has been used to help fund their programs in Duran and to build a second volunteer house in a neighboring town on Arbolitos. That house now allows another group of volunteers to provide many services to the people of the Arbolitos. This year we hope to be able to help the program and the people of Duran in a similar way.

If you have any questions about this project please contact me, (914-374-8313) or you can contact Mr. Brian Carney, the faculty organizer of the project at Fordham Prep (718-367-7500).

Sincerely yours,
Douglas Bajan

P.S. Checks should be sent directly to me, but should be made payable to: Fordham Preparatory School

Send to:
Student Douglas Bajan
Fordham Preparatory School
519 North Broadway
Yonkers, NY 10701
Ref. Ecuador Project


We will pool all donations and send one check from Fordham Prep.
All donations are US Tax Deductible Code# 13-2660346
Donations over $250.00 will receive a special thank you letter from the Fordham Preparatory School


Or you can use Paypal.com to my account: dbajan97@hotmail.com

PayPal.com is the faster, safer way to pay and get paid online. The service allows members to send money without sharing financial information, with the flexibility to pay using their account balances, bank accounts, credit cards or promotional financing.

additional contact
Polish Americans
Polonia USA Tel: 703-528-0114 1800-695-6200
polonia@raqport.com

Soros – Real Father of Reforms in Poland

Soros – Real Father of Reforms in Poland

With the change of Poland from a communist dictatorship to a free market system, much credit has been given to Leszek Balcerowicz, who supposedly is the father of the “miraculous” economic reform. However according to the special report published by the Executive Intelligence Review of Washington, D.C., the real brains behind the reforms that have impoverished and enslaved Poles for generations is a Hungarian Jew, mega speculator George Soros, who also carries American passport.




Born in Budapest, Hungary in 1930 and educated in England, George Soros and his Curacao based Quantum Fund have quickly become a silent partner of Rothschild’s, Reichman’s, US expelled Marc Rich, Israeli arms merchant Saul Isenberg and many other wealthy and influential Jews, such as Henry Kissinger. The main objectives of their activities are speculative investments to take advantage of political and economic weaknesses of various countries.



Soros' Quantum Fund makes money by anticipating economic shifts around the world. In 1992 Soros thought the British pound would lose value because of political and economic pressures. He borrowed billions of pounds and converted them to German marks. When the pound collapsed Sept. 16, Soros repaid the pounds at the lower rate and pocketed the difference. His profit: $1 billion.



To understand how George Soros is different from other financial speculators, just ponder this: Enron's whiz kids, once considered the acme of high-finance innovation, named one of their infamous off-balance sheet partnerships "Chewco" -- after the "Star Wars" character Chewbacca. Soros chose to name his primary vehicle for earning billions of dollars "the Quantum Fund."

He was alluding, says his biographer, Michael Kaufman, to Werner Heisenberg's theory of "indeterminacy": the impossibility of knowing simultaneously both the position and velocity of any atomic particle. As applied to markets, the implication was that you can't invest in something (especially on a Soros-ian scale) without affecting its prospects, for good or ill.

"Soros's choice," writes Kaufman, "was both an ironic wink and a gesture of homage to notions of fallibility, reflexivity, and his own convention of incomplete determinism."

OK, so Soros is like, really smart, and those Enron guys, despite the Harvard MBAs, now look kind of dumb. But the two did have some things in common.

Soros is credited with being the chief developer of the hedge fund -- a strategy for investing that, at its simplest, maximizes an investor's ability to pick winners (and losers) and yet at the same time insures against larger market trends that could be completely unpredictable. So, for example, at the same time you are buying one company's stock because you think its stock price will rise, you are selling another's short, because you think it will fall. By balancing your long and short positions, if something unexpected happens, like a terrorist attack, that drives all stock prices up, or down, across the board, you are insured against losing your shirt. Some of your bets will win, no matter what. And if nothing unexpected happens, all of your bets might win.

As Enron mutated away from being a natural gas trader into a financial derivatives player, it advanced the concept of hedging beyond the sublime and the ridiculous straight to the land of pure idiocy. Enron, the biggest bankruptcy of all time, even bet on bankruptcy protection! In this, Enron's derivatives traders were descendants of Soros; as financial speculators intent on beating the system by being really, really smart, they attempted to hedge against every possible eventuality.

Soros and the latter-stage Enron both strove to make money chiefly by manipulating money. The difference is that Soros rarely lost a bet, while Enron's executives, blinded by greed and hubris, took themselves to the cleaners.

Are financial speculators parasites profiting off the people and companies who do the real work, or do they in any way produce value themselves? Michael Kaufman's intriguing biography of Soros never fully addresses this question -- one of the few flaws in an otherwise eminently readable book on the enigmatically fascinating Soros. And Soros himself neatly sidesteps the conundrum, by virtue of what he has done with his winnings.

Soros, a "revolutionary plutocrat," would-be philosopher king and one-man Marshall Plan, set out to change the world -- to use his billions to fund the spread of "open societies." He became a one-man conduit of funds from West to East, from affluent to non-affluent.

Which raises another question that Kaufman's bio never delves into too deeply. When an ordinary individual donates money to charity, it's easy to respect that as a personal choice. But when the individual involved can spend billions -- when he's the kind of person who can casually say, "Tell me about the health of the king of Thailand ... I happen to own 5 percent of the Thai stock market this week" -- then you start to wonder, is this really kosher? Who is this man accountable to?

One of Soros' nicknames is "The Man Who Broke the Bank of England," in reference to a famous multibillion dollar bet his fund made that John Major's Conservative government would not be able to prop up the value of the British pound. The phrase is usually used admiringly -- what a paragon of financial expertise this Soros guy is!

But what if, say, Osama bin Laden was doing the betting? What if such manipulation was pursued on behalf of "the closed society" as opposed to the open?

Liberals love to shower Soros with respect, ignoring his Wall Street background, because his motives are so obviously honorable, and the money he is spending so clearly is going to "good" causes. But his life raises some troubling questions about the autonomy of capital in the era of globalization. Make enough money, and you don't have to obey anyone's rules.

As one might expect from the first "authorized" biography of Soros, "Soros: The Life and Times of a Messianic Billionaire" is flattering to its subject. But it's never fawning, and the psychological portrait it draws is convincing and illuminating.

Soros' life, no matter how you slice it, has been extraordinary. The first several chapters of the biography -- which deal with the teenage Soros' efforts to avoid the depredations of first the Nazis and then the Soviets in his native Hungary -- read like a thriller. As Kaufman notes, this background makes it easy to understand how Soros was able to cope with the pressures involved with high-stakes investing: When your formative experiences include watching friends and colleagues get rounded up and shipped off to Auschwitz in the waning days of World War II, it's likely that little else will ever be able to frighten you.

Soros' early experiences with fascism and totalitarianism also illuminate his motives, later on, in helping Eastern European and Soviet dissidents. Kaufman excels at dissecting and explaining Soros' psychological makeup. As just one data point -- can you imagine a Rockefeller or Carnegie or Gates frankly talking about insights gained from psychoanalysis, if they ever even admitted to seeing a therapist at all?

Kaufman gets Soros to open up -- about his analysis, about his family, about his dreams. A picture emerges of a man who was not only intensely self-critical but also sought out criticism from others. And his obsession with being an actual philosopher, along with his grandiose visions of single-handedly changing the world, make him come off as more than slightly neurotic.

Few neurotics, of course, are able to dispense about a half a billion dollars a year to whomever they choose. Is that really a good thing?

During the Asian financial crisis of 1997, the prime minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohammad, accused Soros of destabilizing his country through currency speculation. According to Kaufman, Soros was not involved in currency trading in Malaysia at the time, but his response, at a conference held in Hong Kong that year, is instructive.

"Dr. Mahathir's suggestion yesterday to ban currency trading is so inappropriate that it does not deserve serious consideration. Interfering with the convertibility of capital at a moment like this is a recipe for disaster. Dr. Mahathir is a menace to his own country."

Never mind that the stringent restrictions on currency flow that Malaysia did impose are now widely considered to have worked spectacularly well. What's important isn't whether Soros was wrong or right, but the arrogance implicit in Soros' categorization of Mahathir as a "menace."

If you or I were to think that Mahathir is a neo-authoritarian despot who is fundamentally anti-democratic, that's one thing. But Soros can get peeved at a leader and decide to bankroll a popular movement aimed at destabilizing a government. He's done it before! If I were a Malaysian citizen aware of what Soros had done in Poland and Czechoslovakia and the former Soviet Union, I'd be a little worried when he started calling my leader bad names. Who could stop him? Who could censure him?

No one.

Soros has stated that he doesn't do philanthropy in countries where he is involved as a trader, and vice versa. He has also noted that he considers his philanthropy moral and his money-management business "amoral." But is it really possible to make such distinctions? If the consequences of a billion-dollar bet on a currency change "anomaly" destabilizes a given country's economy, boosting unemployment and inflation, does that balance out the good karma that accrues from connecting all of Russia's universities to the Internet?

We should all be grateful that deep down, George Soros appears to be a good guy, at least as judged according to liberal Western values. His commitment to "openness" is sincere; his dedication to improving people's lives is unquestionable. He is the ultimate meddling, bleeding-heart liberal do-gooder, and for that, let's give him a cheer.

But at the same time, a guy like George Soros can't be voted out of office if you disagree with him. And when his billions of dollars can affect public policy, not just in his own country but in any country of his choosing, there is good reason to be a little bit nervous. Maybe Prime Minister Mahathir is indeed a menace to his own country. But on a bad day, a grumpy George Soros could be a menace to any country.

In order to gain valuable inside knowledge of the speculative possibilities, George Soros has set up a huge organization of inter-related “open society” institutes staffed mainly by Jews. Although his “institutes” have been expelled from China, Russia, Indonesia and the Czech Republic, they exist in Albania, Belarus, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, France, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the USA. There is no doubt that this organization allows for great economic intelligence gathering possibilities to detect weaknesses subject to financial speculation. But to go one step further, George Soros has also been known to manipulate the outcome of the political process by funding his own candidates in presidential elections, as recently documented in the Ukraine and Peru. In today’s information age, it is much more profitable for speculators to have their own people (insiders) in the government they are planning to raid. His favorite agenda is to convince the government of a particular country that neo-liberal reform is the best way out of financial crisis, so he can take advantage and speculate with their currency and privatization. Soros justifies his methods with a statement that what he is doing may not be moral but it is not against the law.

According to Lyndon LaRouche, Soros has gained a new position in the course of the 1997-98 period. The big thing that is occurring in Southeast Asia and in East Asia, is that the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir bin Mohamad, has become a hero of economics. He defied Al Gore, he defied Madeleine Albright--personally, nose-to-nose in Asia--on the issue of George Soros. And Madeleine Albright and Al Gore came to the enraged defense of George Soros.

In the period between October 1998 and the Brazil crisis of February 1999, George Soros was used as a key adviser on how to generate an avalanche of fraudulent money, which was used in particular to try to deal with the Brazil debt crisis. So, George Soros has gone from being a figure of what he was earlier, to using his experience and connections for a somewhat different operation. He's a key part of what is actually being generated, a global hyperinflation like that of Weimar 1923.

The thing that must always be remembered is that the United States, as a national economy, is presently hopelessly bankrupt. For example, the United States, at the current rate, has a national current account deficit rate of approximately a half-trillion dollars a year. Well, that's the mark of a bankrupt business. It has no hope of ever earning the income to pay that deficit. We don't know how much money is being put in to try to keep the United States from collapsing. Official figures from central bankers and others show at least $1 trillion a year. LaRouche estimates is that, in addition to that, there is an additional trillion dollars a year or more, which is now going into over-the-counter derivatives.

In other words, the United States, as an economy, is presently like a hopelessly bankrupt firm, which is borrowing ever vaster amounts of credit by the day, to keep from closing the door. By every objective standard, the U.S. economy and the U.S. dollar are the most bankrupt nation in the world. And, it's a time bomb that can set off the biggest financial collapse in all history, a collapse that will sink the entire world economy.

So, states LaRouche, the significance of Soros, is that these fellows are trying to keep alive, keep the bankruptcy from the door, long enough to establish their kind of world government, or one-world government, system.

As if this was not enough, George Soros has also been actively promoting the free use of narcotics, which leads to greater liberalization of the particular countries and greater possibilities of speculative gains.



According to the EIR Report, Soros has been personally responsible for introducing “shock therapy” economic chaos into the emerging economies of Eastern Europe since 1989. He has foisted on fragile new governments in the East, the most draconian economic madness, policies that have allowed Soros and his financial friends to loot the resources of large parts of Eastern Europe at less than dirt-cheap prices.



In Poland, in late 1989, Soros personally organized a secret meeting between the communist government of Mieczyslaw Rakowski (also Stanislaw Gomulka and Wojciech Jaruzelski), and the leaders of the then-illegal opposition, the Solidarnosc trade-union umbrella organization. According to well-informed Polish sources, at that 1989 meeting between the communist regime and the Solidarnosc, Soros unveiled his “plan” for Poland: The communists must let the opposition Solidarnosc take over government so as to gain the confidence of the population.



Then, said Soros, the state must act deliberately to bankrupt its own industrial and agricultural enterprises using astronomical interest rates, withholding needed state credits, thus burdening firms with unpayable debt. Once that was done, said Soros, he would encourage his wealthy international business friends to come to Poland as prospective buyers of privatized state enterprises. A good example of this Soros privatization plan is the case of the large steel facility, Huta Warszawa. According to steel experts the complex, a modern one, would cost $3-4 billion for a Western company to build new. The Polish government agreed to assume the “debts” of Huta Warszawa, and sell the debt-free, steel making complex to Milan Company, Lucehini, for a price of $30 million!




To further the Soros plan, Soros personally recruited his friend (Belorussian Jew with American passport), 35-year old Harvard economist, Jeffrey Sachs, whose only prior claim to experience was that of advising the Bolivian government on the advantages of the disastrous neo-liberal reform. Next, Soros set up one of his numerous foundations, the Stefan Batory Foundation, staffed by Polish Jews related to the Mazowiecki government. The Stefan Batory Foundation became the official sponsor of Sach’s work in Poland in 1989-90. Before his recent move on Peru to advise Soros-sponsored President Alejandro Toledo and his Belgian-Jewish-Polish wife Eliane Karp, Sachs visited Poland over 40 times. In 1996, although officially never employed by the Polish government (as argued by Janine Wedel) , Sachs neverless was decorated with the Order of White Eagle by post-communist President Alexander Kwasniewski.



Soros boasted that he had “established close personal contact with Walesa’s chief advisor, Bronislaw Geremek. I was also received by Gen. Jaruzelski, the Head of State, to obtain his blessing for my foundation.” He also worked closely with the “eminence grise” of Polish “shock therapy”, Prof. Trzeciakowski , a behind-the-scene adviser to Finance and Economics Minister Leszek Balcerowicz. Soros also cultivated relations with the man who would first impose Sach’s “shock” therapy on Poland: Balcerowicz himself. When Lech Walesa was elected President of Poland, Soros said: “largely because of Western (Washington) pressure Walesa retained Balcerowicz as Minister”. Balcerowicz imposed a freeze on wages while industry was to be bankrupted by cutoff of state credits. Industrial output fell by more than 30% over two years.



Since, during early “shock therapy”, Balcerowicz maintained a fixed rate of dollar exchange with interest rates in Polish zloty reaching 80% a year, for many years Poland was a dream country for currency speculators like George Soros. Unfortunately, during those years there was no tax on the interest earned in Polish banks and therefore there are no records as to how much money was siphoned out of the country. Tax on the interest earned was applied in the year 2001 and only since then has interest income been recorded. Although there are no verifiable records, I estimate Poland lost up to $30 billion dollars due to speculation with its currency exchange. Prof. Kazimierz Poznanski, of the University of Washington, documents that Poland has lost over $80 billion dollars through manipulation of currency exchange and dishonest privatization.



Soros admits he knew in advance that his “shock therapy” would cause huge unemployement (approx. 20% in 2002), closing of factories, and social unrest. For this reason he insisted that Solidarnosc be brought into the government. Through his Batory Foundation, Soros also co-opted key media opinion-makers such as Adam Michnik (Gazeta Wyborcza), and with cooperation from the U.S. Embassy in Warsaw, imposed a media censorship favorable only to Soros’s “shock therapy” and hostile to all critics – a censorship which rivaled that of the communists, according to some Polish reports.



Not a shabby achievement for a Hungarian Jew, who survived the “holocaust” and started with nothing else but a name. His personal net worth is estimated at 15 billion dollars. “Time” magazine has characterized George Soros as a “modern-day Robin Hood”, who robs from the rich to give to the poor countries of Eastern Europe and Russia. “Time” claimed that Soros made huge financial gains by speculating against Western central banks, in order to use his profits to help the emerging post-communist economies of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, to assist them to create what he calls an “Open Society”. “Time’s” statement is entirely accurate in the first part, and entirely inaccurate in the second. He robs from rich Western countries, all right – then he uses his profits to create the basis to rob even more savagely from the East, under the cloak of “philanthropy”. His goal is to loot wherever he can. Soros has been called the master manipulator of the “hit-and-run capitalism” and Poland with cooperation from the postcommunist rulers, has been one of his easy prey. However, officially, there are no records that George Soros himself or his Quantum Fund has taken out a single dollar out of Poland. The real looting was done by others, who were fully protected by the privacy laws of the post-communist banking system.



What Soros means by “open”, is to open up, for him and his financial predator friends, the economies of the former Warsaw Pact countries, so they can loot their resources and assets. By bringing people like Jeffrey Sachs and their economic “shock therapy” into emerging economies, Soros has laid the foundation for buying invaluable assets of whole regions of the world at dirt-cheap prices, for himself and his selected rich friends, who share a dream forming world government one day.



It must be stated that George Soros would never be able to create crisis in Poland without the full cooperation of the perpetual oligarchy of the Polish-Jewish and meddling of the American-Jewish politicians, but their treason is a subject for discussion some other time.





Stanislaw Tyminski



Encl.

EIR Special Report: “The true story of Soros the Golem”, April 1997
Interview with Lyndon LaRouche, Executive Intelligence Review, , July 7, 2000.
George Soros “Underwriting Democracy”, 1991

Polish Prof. Boguslaw Wolniewicz on the Formal Ontology of Situations

Polish Prof. Boguslaw Wolniewicz on the Formal Ontology of Situations



INTRODUCTION
"The theory presented below was developed in an effort to clarify the metaphysics of Wittgenstein's Tractatus. The result obtained, however, is not strictly the formal twin of his variant of Logical Atomism. but something more, general, of which the latter is lust a special case. One might call it an ontology of situations. Some basic ideas of that ontology stern from Stenius Wittgenstein's Tractatus, Oxford, 1968 and Suszko Ontology in the Tractatus of L. Wittgenstein - Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic, 1968.
Let L be a classic propositional language. Propositions of L are supposed to have their semantic counterparts in the realm of possibility, or as Wittgenstein put it: in logical space. These counterparts are situations, and S is to be the totality of them. The situation described by a proposition a is S(a). With Meinong we call it the objective of a."
From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A formal ontology of situations - Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982). pp. 381-382.

"Different ontologies adopt different notions of existence as basic. Aristotle's paradigm of existence is given by the equivalence:
(A) to be = to be a substance.
On the other hand, the paradigm of existence adopted in Wittgenstein's Tractatus is given by the parallel equivalence:
(W) to be = to be a fact.
Now, an Aristotelian substance is the denotation of an individual name, whereas a Wittgensteinian fact is the denotation of a true proposition. It seems therefore that the notions of existence derived from these two paradigms should be quite different, and one might readily expect that the metaphysical systems erected upon them will display wide structural discrepancies.
It turns out, however, that in spite of this basic difference there runs between these two systems a deep and striking parallelism. This parallelism is so close indeed that it makes possible the construction of a vocabulary which would transform characteristic propositions of Wittgenstein's ontology into Aristotelian ones, and conversely. To show in some detail the workings of that transformation will be the subject of this paper.
The vocabulary mentioned is based on the following four fundamental correlations:

Aristotle
1) primary substances (substantiae primae)
2) prime matter (materia prima)
3) form (forma)
4) self-subsistence of primary substances (esse per se)

Wittgenstein
1) atomic facts
2) objects
3) confiugration
4) independence of atomic facts

Aristotle's ontology is an ontology of substances, Wittgenstein's ontology is an ontology of facts. But concerning the respective items of each of the pairs (1)-(4) both ontologies lay down conditions which in view of our vocabulary appear to be identical. To show this let us confront, to begin with, the items of pair (1): substances and facts.
(The interpretation of Aristotle adopted in this paper is the standard one, to be found in any competent textbook of the history of philosophy. Therefore, with but one exception, no references to Aristotle's works will be given here.)Relatively to the system involved substances and facts are of the same ontological status. Aristotle's world is the totality of substances (summa rerum), Wittgenstein's world is the totality of facts (die Gesamtheit der Tatsachen). For Aristotle whatever exists in the basic sense of the word is a primary substance, for Wittgenstein - an atomic fact. Moreover, both ontologies are MODAL ones, allowing for different modes of being (modi essendi); and both take as basic the notion of `contingent being' (esse contingens), opposed to necessary being on the one hand, and to the possibility of being on the other. Both substances and facts are entities which actually exist, but might have not existed. The equality of ontological status between substances and facts is corroborated by the circumstance that both are PARTICULARS, there being - as the saying goes - no multiplicity of entities which FALL UNDER them.
Substances and facts stand also in the same relation to the ontological categories of pairs (2) and (3). Both are always COMPOUND entities, a substance consisting of matter and form, and a fact consisting of objects and the way of their configuration. But in neither of the two systems is this compoundness to be understood literally as composition of physically separable parts or pieces. The compoundness (compositio) of a substance consists in its being formed stuff (materia informata), and the compoundness of a fact in its being a configuration of objects.
In view of correlation (4) we have also an equality of relation which a substance bears to other substances, and a fact to other facts. Self-subsistence is the characteristic attribute of primary substances: substantia prima = ens per se. If we take this to mean that each substance exists independently of the existence or non-existence of any other substance we get immediately the exact counterpart of Wittgenstein's principle of logical atomism stating the mutual independence of atomic facts. It should be noted that thus understood the attribute of self-subsistence or independence is a relative one, belonging to a substance - or to a fact - only in virtue of its relation to other substances - or facts.
From a Wittgensteinian point of view Aristotle's substances are not things, but hypostases of facts, and thus their names are not logically proper names, but name-like equivalents of propositions. (By that term we mean roughly either a noun clause of the form `that p', or any symbol which might be regarded as a definitional abbreviation of such clause.) Surely, from the Aristotelian point of view it might be easily retorted here that just the opposite is the case: substances are not `reified' facts, but on the contrary - facts are 'dereified' substances. Without passing judgement on these mutual objections let us note in passing that their symmetric character seems to be itself an additional manifestation of the parallelism discussed."
From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-210 (notes omitted).

SELECTED PUBLICATIONS (Works in Polish are not enclosed)
In 1970 Boguslaw Wolniewicz published a Polish translation of Ludwig Wittgenstein Tractatus logico-philosophicus.

A difference between Russell's and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. In Akten des XIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Philosophie. Wien, 2. - 9. September 1968 - Vol. II. Wien: Herder 1968. pp. 263-267Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.193-197

"A note on Black's 'Companion'," Mind 78: 141 (1969).Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - p. 229."It is a mistake to suppose that in Wittgenstein's "Tractatus" the meaning of Urbild has any connexion with that of picture. "

A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-217Proceedings of the Boston Colloquium for the philosophy of science 1966/1968.Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.198-207

"Four notion of independence," Theoria 36: 161-164 (1970).Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.127-130.WFour (binary) relations of independence I(p,q) between propositions are distinguished: the Wittgensteinian I sub-w, the statistical I sub-s, the modal I sub-m, and the deductive I sub-d. The validity of the following theorem is argued for: I sub-w(p,q) implies I sub-s(p,q) implies I sub-m(p,q) implies Isub-d(p,q). "

Wittgensteinian foundations of non-Fregean logic. In Contemporary East European philosophy. Vol. 3. Edited by D'Angelo Edward, DeGrood David, and Riepe Dale. Bridgeport: Spartacus Books 1971. pp. 231-243

"The notion of fact as a modal operator," Teorema: 59-66 (1972).Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 218-224"The notion of fact /fp = "it is a fact that p"/ is characterized axiomatically, and the ensuing modal systems shown to be equivalent to tT, S4 and S5 respectively."

Zur Semantik des Satzkalküls: Frege und Wittgenstein. In Der Mensch - Subjekt und Objekt (Festchrift für Adam Schaff). Edited by Borbé Tasso. Wien: Europaverl. 1973. pp.

Sachlage und Elementarsätz. In Wittgenstein and his impact on contemporary thought. Proceedings of the Second International Wittgenstein Symposium, 29th August to 4th September 1977, Kirchberg/Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Leinfellner Elisabeth. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1977. pp. 174-176

"Objectives of propositions," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 7: 143-147 (1978)."The paper sketches out a semantics for propositions based upon the Wittgensteinian notion of a possible situation. The objective of a proposition is defined as the smallest situation verifying it. Two propositions are assumed to have the same objective iff they are strictly equivalent. Formulas are given which determine the objectives of conjunction and disjunction as functions of the objectives of their components. finally a link with possible-world semantics is established."

"Situations as the reference of propositions," Dialectics and Humanism 5: 171-182 (1978)."The reference of propositions is determined for a class of languages to be called the "Wittgensteinian" ones. A meaningful proposition presents a possible situation. Every consistent conjunction of elementary propositions presents an elementary situation. The smallest elementary situations are the "Sachverhalte"; the greatest are possible worlds. The situation presented by a proposition is to be distinguished from that verifying it, but the greatest situation presented is identical with the smallest verifying. The reference of compound propositions is then determined as a function of their components."

"Les situations comme corrélats semantiques des enoncés," Studia Filozoficzne 2: 27-41 (1978).

Wittgenstein und der Positivismus. In Wittgenstein, the Vienna circle and critical rationalism. Proceedings of the third International Wittgenstein Symposium, 13th to 19th August 1978, Kirchberg am Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Bergehel Hal, Hübner Adolf, and Eckehart Köhler. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1978. pp. 75-77

"Some formal properties of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 8: 16-20 (1979)."The objectives of propositions as defined in an earlier paper are shown here to form a distributive lattice."

A Wittgensteinian semantics for propositions. In Intention and intentionality. Essay in honour of G. E. M. Anscombe. Edited by Diamond Cora and Teichman Jenny. Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1979. pp. 165-178"More than once Professor Anscombe has expressed doubt concerning the semantic efficacy of the idea of an 'elementary proposition' as conceived in the Tractatus. Wittgenstein himself eventually discarded it, together with the whole philosophy of language of which it had been an essential part. None the less the idea is still with us, and it seems to cover theoretical potentialities yet to be explored. This paper is a tentative move in that direction.According to Professor Anscombe, (*) Wittgenstein's 'elementary propositions' may be characterized by the following five theses: (1) They are a class of mutually independent propositions.(2) They are essentially positive.(2) They are such that for each of them there are no two ways of being true or false, but only one.(4) They are such that there is in them no distinction between an internal and an external negation.(5) They are concatenations of names, which are absolutely simple signs.We shall not investigate whether this is an adequate axiomatic for the notion under consideration. We suppose it is. In any case it is possible to modify it in one way or another, and for the resulting notion still to preserve a family resemblance with the original idea. One such modification is sketched out below."

"On the lattice of elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 115-121 (1980).

"On the verifiers of disjunction," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 57-59 (1980).

"The Boolean algebra of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 10: 17-23 (1981)."This concludes a series of papers constructing a semantics for propositional languages based on the notion of a possible "situation". Objectives of propositions are the situations described by them. The set of objectives is defined and shown to be a boolean algebra isomorphic to that formed by sets of possible worlds."

"A closure system for elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 134-139 (1982).

"On logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 84-88 (1982).

"Ludwig Fleck and Polish philosophy," Dialectics and Humanism 9: 25-28 (1982).

"A formal ontology of situations," Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982)."A generalized Wittgensteinian semantics for propositional languages is presented, based on a lattice of elementary situations. Of these, maximal ones are possible worlds, constituting a logical space; minimal ones are logical atoms, partitioned into its dimensions. A verifier of a proposition is an elementary situation such that if real it makes true. The reference (or objective) of a proposition is a situation, which is the set of all its minimal verifiers. (Maximal ones constitute its locus.) Situations are shown to form a Boolean algebra, and the Boolean set algebra of loci is its representation. Wittgenstein's is a special case, admitting binary dimensions only."Contents:0. Preliminaries; 1. Elementary Situations1.1.The Axioms; 1.2.Some Consequences; 1.3. W-Independence; 1.4.States of Affairs;2. Sets of Elementary Situations2.1.The Semigroup of SE"-Sets; 2.2.The Lattice of Minimal SE"-Sets; 2.3.Q-Spaces and V-Sets; 2.4.V-Equivalence and Q-Equivalence; 2.4.V-Classes and V-Sets;3. Objectives of Propositions3.1. Verifiers of Propositions; 3.2. Verifying and Forcing; 3.3. Situations and Logical Loci; 3.4. Loci and Objectives of Compound Propositions 3.5. The Boolean Algebra of Situations;4. References

"Truth arguments and independence," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 12: 21-28 (1983).

"Logical space and metaphysical systems," Studia Logica 42: 269-284 (1983)."The paper applies the theory presented in "A formal ontology of situations" (Studia Logica, vol. 41 (1982), no. 4) to obtain a typology of metaphysical systems by interpreting them as different ontologies of situations.Four are treated in some detail: Hume's diachronic atomism, Laplacean determinism, Hume's synchronic atomism, and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. Moreover, the relation of that theory to the "situation semantics" of Perry and Barwise is discussed."

"An algebra of subsets for join-semilatttices with unit," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 21-24 (1984).

"A topology for logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 255-259 (1984).

"Suszko: a reminiscence," Studia Logica 43: 317-321 (1984).Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.302-306

"Die Grundwerte einer wissenschaftlichen Weltauffassaung," Conceptus 19: 3-8 (1985)."The scientific world-view is one of the fundamentals of our culture. It can be characterized in part by its specific system of values. A world-view is regarded as a scientific one if "truth" is one of its primary values, that is, as a value which is not a means, but an end in itself. Truth is served in particular by the two instrumental values of conceptual clarity and openness to critique. Their standing is (at present) low, for two reasons. (1) Unclear thinking not only promotes social idols; its consequences are also often difficult to see clearly and immediately. (2) In any case truth is of no interest (in a biological sense) to human beings; therefore, critique can at best be a socially tolerated activity. On the other hand, truth is not only a value, but also a force which in the long run cannot be held back; this fact gives some hope to adherents of the scientific world-view. "

"Discreteness of logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 15: 132-136 (1986).

"Entailments and independence in join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 2-5 (1989)."The paper generalizes Wittgenstein's notion of independence. in a join-semilattice of elementary situations the atoms are the Sachverhalte, and maximal ideals are possible worlds. A subset of that semilattice is independent iff it is free of "ontic ties". This is shown to be equivalent to independence in von Neumann's sense."

"On atomic join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 105-111 (1989).Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 307-312.
The essence of Logical Atomism: Hume and Wittgenstein. In Wittgenstein. Eine Neubewertung. Akten 14. Internationale Wittgenstein-Symposium. Vol. 1. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1990. pp. 106-111

"A question about join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic: 108 (1990).

Concerning reism in Kotarbinski. In Kotarbinski: logic. semantics and ontology. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1990. pp. 199-204Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.265-271

Elzenberg's logic of values. In Logic counts. Edited by Zarnecka-Bialy Ewa. Dordrecht: Kluwe 1990. pp. 63-70Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 286-292 (with the title: Elzenberg's axiology""1. Values are what our value-Judgements refer to, and the passing of Judgements is one of our vital activities, like sleeping and breathing. We constantly appraise things as good or bad, pretty or ugly, as noble or base, well-made or misshapen. No wonder that both the act of appraisal and that which it refers to - i.e. the real or spurious values - have been always the source of philosophical reflexion. In systematic form such reflexion is what we call axiology.In Polish philosophy it was Henryk Elzenberg (1887-1967) who reflected upon matters of axiology most deeply and incisively.(...)3. Leibniz had said somewhere: "There are two mazes in which the human mind is most likely to get lost: one is the concept of continuity, the other is that of liberty". This admits of generalization: all concepts are mazes, viz mazes of logical relations between the propositions that involve them.One such maze is the concept of 'value'. Possibly, it is even the same as one of the two mentioned by Leibniz, only entered - so to say - by another door. For it would be in full accord with Elzenberg's position - and with that of Kant too - to adopt the following characteristic: values are what controls the actions of free agents. Thus the concepts of value and of liberty should constitute one conceptual maze, or - which comes to the same - two mazes communicating with each other.To get a survey of such logical maze the first thing is to fix the ontological category of the concept in question. Thus, in our case, we ask what kind of entities are those 'values' supposed to be. (Ontological categories are the most general classes of entities, the summa genera A term even more general has to cover literally everything: like 'entity' or 'something'. For everything is an entity, just as everything is a something.)Different ontologies admit different sets of categories. The categories most frequently referred to are those of 'objects', 'properties', and 'relations'; the more exotic ones are those of an 'event', a 'set', a 'function', or a 'situation'. One point, however, is of paramount importance: the categories admitted In one ontology have to be mutually disjoint". p. 63; 66.

"A sequel to Hawranek/Zygmunt," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 20: 143-144 (1991).

Needs and value. In Logic and ethics. Edited by Geach Peter. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp.

On the discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy. In Peter Geach: philosophical encounters. Edited by Lewis Harry. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp. 77-81Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 13-17.

"A question of logic in the philosophy of religion," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 22: 33-36 (1993).

On the synthetic a priori. In Philosophical logic in Poland. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1994. pp. 327-336

Logic and metaphysics. Studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts. Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne 1999.Contents: Preface 11; Discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy 13; 1. Elementary situations as a lattice of finite length 19; Elementary situations as a semilattice 73; 3. Independence 127; 4. Elementary situations generalized 137; 5. Auxiliary studies 193; 5.1 The Logical Atomisms of Russell and Wittgenstein 193; 5.2 A parallelism between Wittgenstein and Aristotle 198; 5.3 Frege's semantics 207; 5.4. The notion of fact as a modal operator 218; 5.5 "Tractatus" 5.541 - 5.542 224; 5.6 History of the concept of a Situation 229; 6. Offshoots 243 6.1 Languages and codes 243; 6.2 Logic and hermeneutics 254; 6.3 Kotarbinski's Reism 265; 6.4 On Bayle's critique of theodicy 271; 6.5 Elzenberg's axiology 286; 6.6 Needs and values 293; 6.7 Suszko: a reminiscence 302; Supplements 307; Indices: Index of subjects 317; Index of names 326; Index of Tractatus references 329.

"Atoms in semantic frames," Logica Trianguli 4: 69-86 (2000)."Elaborating on Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, semantic frames are described axiomatically as based on the notion of an elementary situation being the verifier of a proposition. Conditions are investigated then for suchframes to be atomic, i.e. to have lattice-theoretic counterparts of his "Sachverhalte"."

"Extending atomistic frames," Logica Trianguli 5 (2001)."A "semantic frame" is bounded join-semilattice of elementary situations, with its maximal ideals to represent possible worlds and mapped into the complete sets of propositions determined by a given abstract logic (L, Cn). A frame is Humean if the elementary situations are separated by its possible worlds, and it is atomistic if the semilattice is so. One frame is the extension of another if the latter is an {0,1}-subsemilattice of the former satisfying certain conditions discussed."

Tractatus 5.541 - 5.542. In Satz un Sachverhalt. Edited by Neumaier Otto. Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag 2001. pp. 185-190"In Wittgenstein's "Tractatus", thesis 5 is the Principle of Extensionality: all propositions are truth-functions of their clauses. This, however, has been often thrown into doubt. There are - it is said - compound propositions whose truth-value does not depend on that of their clauses. The usual example given are the so-called intensional contexts, like "John thinks that p", or "John says that p". And indeed, the truth-value of "p" is patently immaterial here to that of the whole proposition which it is part of.Wittgenstein's retort are the following much discussed theses, adduced here in a translation of our own:5.54 In the general propositional form, propositions occur in one another only as bases of truth-operations.5.541 At first sight it seems that a proposition might occur in another also in a different way.Particularly in certain propositional forms of psychology, like "A believes that p is the case", "A thinks p", etc.For taken superficially, proposition p seems here to stand to the object A in some sort of relation.(And in modem epistemology - Russell, Moore, etc. - these have actually been construed that way.)5.542 However, "A believes that p", "A thinks p", "A says p" are clearly of the form " 'p' says p "; and this is not correlating a fact with an object, but a correlation of facts by correlating their objects.The objection is met here in two steps. Firstly, it is pointed out that a proposition of the form "John says that p" is actually of the form "'p' says that p". The idea is this: the proposition "John says that Jill has a cat" means: John produces the sentence "Jill has a cat", the latter saying by itself that Jill has a cat. In such a way propositions get independent of the persons producing them, and communicate some objective content. It is surely not by John's looks that we come to know about Jill's cat, but merely by his words. Whom they stem from, is irrelevant.In his second step Wittgenstein follows Frege's interpretation of indirect speech, but with modifications. He points out that the formula " 'p' says that p " is equivalent to some compound proposition in which neither the proposition "p" as a syntactic unit, nor anything equivalent to it, does occur although there occur all the logically relevant constituents of "p" separately.(...)The distinction between abstract and concrete states of affairs is not drawn explicitly in the "Tractatus". But it fits well thesis 5.156, if we expand that thesis by a few words of comment, added here in brackets:5.156(d) A proposition may well be en incomplete image of a particular (concrete) situation, but it is always the complete image (of an abstract one).The circumstance that in 5.156 not "states of affairs", but "situations" are mentioned, is of no consequence in our context. We assume that states of affairs are just atomic situations, and so the distinction between "concrete" and "abstract" applies to both."

"Extending atomistic frames: part II," Logica Trianguli 6: 69-88 (2003)."The paper concludes an earlier one (Logica Trianguli, 5) on extensions of atomistic semantic frames. Three kinds of extension are considered: the adjunctive, the conjunctive, and the disjunctive one. Some theorems are proved on extending "Humean" frames, i.e. such that the elementary situations constituting their universa are separated by the maximally coherent sets of them ("realizations")."

"On a minimality condition," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 34: 227-228 (2005).


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